The Company You Keep
Labels: Human Rights, Kissinger, Samantha Power, War, war crimes
“What we need is a critique of visual culture that is alert to the power of images for good and evil and that is capable of discriminating the variety and historical specificity of their uses.” - W.J.T. Mitchell. Picture Theory (1994).
Labels: Human Rights, Kissinger, Samantha Power, War, war crimes
Labels: Human Rights, Political Not Ethical, Political Theory, politics
Labels: Civil Rights, dissent, Human Rights, Legal, politics, protests
Labels: Alva Noë, dissent, George Grosz, Great Britain, Human Rights, politics, Václav Havel
Labels: Ai Weiwei, Apple, Art, Human Rights, politics
Labels: Human Rights, literature, Pinter, Prizes, Václav Havel
Labels: AI, Amnesty International, China, Graphics, Human Rights, political graphics, Pussy Riot, Russia, torture, Turkey
Labels: genocide, Guatemala, Hernández-Salazar, Human Rights, Legal
Last month I noticed this OpEd at The New York Times, noting the prospects that former Guatemalan dictator (read U.S. surrogate, alum of the School of the Americas, etc.) General Efraín Ríos Montt for genocide and crimes against humanity. Over the course of three decades an estimated 200,000 Guatemalans were killed by various military regimes; a vastly disproportionate number of the victims were indigenous peoples. The crimes have been documented by multiple inquiries [1]. Now The Times reports the trial is set to commence this week. What is that saying about the 'arch of the moral universe?' The ex-dictator actually seems to be caught in the vagaries of practical political bargaining between the current Guatemalan government and the Obama administration. But that is close enough. It is lesson enough that the powerful cannot arrange for protection in perpetuity.Maya villagers gathered in a courtroom in Guatemala City in January (2012) for the evidentiary hearing in Mr. Ríos Montt’s case. Photograph © Victor J. Blue for The New York Times.
Labels: genocide, Guatemala, Human Rights, Latin America, Legal, terrorism, torture, war crimes
"It all began with a victory sign. When Abdul Quader Mollah, assistant secretary-general of Bangladesh's Jamaat-e-Islami party, emerged from the supreme court on the afternoon of Tuesday 4 February, he turned to the press waiting outside, smiled, and made a victory sign. An odd reaction for a man just sentenced to life in prison.So, the apparent perversity of insisting on death as a token of justice perhaps is understandable. The issue - as Alam also make plain in his essay - is one of deserved punishment and lack of official credibility. It also raises issues of prudence, since supporters of Jamaat-e-Islami have begun to demonstrate their own displeasure at the proceedings and verdicts. The daunting political problem then, seems to be to create a way to sustain the hope that the Shahbagh protesters hold out, without reverting to violence and execution.**
Mollah smiled because for him, a man convicted of beheading a poet, raping an 11-year-old girl and shooting 344 people during the 1971 Bangladesh war of independence – charges that have earned him the nickname the Butcher of Mirpur – the life sentence came as a surprise. Earlier this month, a fellow accused, Abul Kalam Azad, who is reputed to have fled to Pakistan, was sentenced to death in absentia.
When Mollah emerged from the courthouse, a group of online activists and bloggers assembled to protest against the verdict, demanding that Mollah, like Azad, be given the death sentence. They set up camp in Shahbag, an intersection at the heart of Dhaka, near the university campus, and staged a small sit-in. They collected a few donations and ordered khichuri (a mixture of rice and lentils) to keep them going through the night. Word spread on Facebook and Twitter. The next day, a few news channels began covering their protest. By the end of the week, they had managed to put together the biggest mass demonstration the country has seen in 20 years.
[. . .]
In addition to the perceived inadequacy of the sentence is an abiding anxiety about the way it will be carried out. It is ingrained in the public imagination that justice always takes second place to political expediency. Mollah knows that if his party or its allies were to come to power again, he would almost certainly be freed. That is why the protesters at Shahbag are calling for his death: it is the only way they can be sure the episode will come to an end."
Labels: Bangladesh, Hope, Human Rights, politics, protests, Shahidul Alam
Labels: China, Human Rights, literature, Liu Xiaobo, Political Not Ethical, Prizes
Labels: Human Rights, Legal, Music, politics, Pussy Riot, Russia, women
"How many fans of Pussy Riot’s zany “punk prayer” in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior and Nadezhda Tolokonnikova’s erudite and moving closing statement were equally thrilled by her participation, naked and heavily pregnant, in a public orgy at a Moscow museum in 2008? That performance, by the radical art group Voina (Russian for “war”), was meant to illustrate how Russians were abused by their government. Voina had previously set fire to a police car and drew obscene images on a St. Petersburg drawbridge.
Stunts like that would get you arrested just about anywhere, not just in authoritarian Russia. But Pussy Riot and its comrades at Voina come as a full package: You can’t have the fun, pro-democracy, anti-Putin feminism without the incendiary anarchism, extreme sexual provocations, deliberate obscenity and hard-left politics." - Vadim Nikitim
Labels: Human Rights, hypocrisy, Pussy Riot, Russia
Labels: Argentina, Human Rights, Latin America, Los Desaparecidos, politics
Labels: genocide, Guatemala, Hernández-Salazar, Human Rights, Latin America, Legal, politics
Labels: Ai Weiwei, Human Rights, politics, Prizes, Václav Havel
Labels: gay politics, Human Rights, Legal, Marriage, Obama, politics
Labels: aerial, AI, Human Rights
Labels: democracy, Human Rights
Labels: Ai Weiwei, Belarus, dissent, Human Rights, politics, Václav Havel