04 April 2014

Bophana Audiovisual Resource Center


Founded in 2006, the Bophana Center is dedicated to collecting and preserving resources that capture the experience of Cambodia during the period when the Khmer Rouge sought to destroy all such materials. I learned of the Center from this report, focusing on the work of its founder filmmaker Rithy Panh, that aired on npr last weekend.

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14 May 2013

Daniel Hernández-Salazar (Once Again)

I have posted here numerous times on Daniel Hernández-Salazar, a Guatemalan photographer whose work I admire very much. Today the Lens blog at The New York Times ran this post on his photographs of the recent trial of former dictator Efraín Ríos Montt on charges of genocide and crimes against humanity. Hernández-Salazar was instrumental in documenting both the crimes of the regime and the subsequent popular politics of recovery and remembrance. It bears noting that the decades of repression in Guatemala were underwritten by the U.S. ...  And it is a major accomplishment that Ríos Montt was convicted and sentenced to 80 years in prison for his deeds.

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16 March 2013

Ríos Montt Trial to Begin

Maya villagers gathered in a courtroom in Guatemala City in January (2012) for the evidentiary hearing in Mr. Ríos Montt’s case. Photograph © Victor J. Blue for The New York Times.
Last month I noticed this OpEd at The New York Times, noting the prospects that former Guatemalan dictator (read U.S. surrogate, alum of the School of the Americas, etc.) General Efraín Ríos Montt for genocide and crimes against humanity. Over the course of three decades an estimated 200,000 Guatemalans were killed by various military regimes; a vastly disproportionate number of the victims were indigenous peoples. The crimes have been documented by multiple inquiries [1]. Now The Times reports the trial is set to commence this week. What is that saying about the 'arch of the moral universe?' The ex-dictator actually seems to be caught in the vagaries of practical political bargaining between the current Guatemalan government and the Obama administration. But that is close enough. It is lesson enough that the powerful cannot arrange for protection in perpetuity.

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25 October 2012

Breathtaking



Wilhelm Brasse, a Polish prisoner at Auschwitz, was made to work as a photographer after camp administrators learned that he had been a professional photographer before the war. He photographed thousands of inmates for identity records as well as documenting medical experimentation on the prisoners. Brasse's work remains one of very few photographic records surviving of the camp. After the war, he was too haunted by his experiences to work as a photographer again. He died on Tuesday. Photograph: Wilhelm Brass/Auschwitz Museum/AP.

I lifted this image and caption from the 'picture of the day' series at The Guardian today. Although I see and write about many, many disturbing images, I have to say this one brought me up short.
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Update: Here is an obituary of Brasse from The New York Times.

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05 June 2012

Daniel Hernández-Salazar (Again)

Daniel Hernández-Salazar is among my very favorite photographers. I respect him immensely and have posted on his work here on several occasions before. His photography - and the ongoing struggle for political memory in his native Guatemala with which it is entangled - are featured in this recent post on the Lens blog at The New York Times. Daniel Hernández-Salazar stands as a striking counterexample to those who blindly insist that art and politics don't mix.

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02 August 2010

Daniel Hernández-Salazar ~ Memoria de un ángel ("Memory of an Angel")

I have, on a couple of occasions, posted on the work of Guatemalan photographer Daniel Hernández-Salazar. You can find those posts here and here. I think his work is remarkable for the way it traverses conventional photographic genres - art, documentary, forensics, photojournalism; because it ignores the boundary between each of those genres and politics; and because he insists on pushing for international recognition of the Guatemalan genocide beyond the local or regional. While I worry about this third aspect of his work - in particular, I have concerns that it may transform what in Guatemala is a truly and deeply political undertaking into a less pointed humanitarianism when he moves his work to distant locations - I nevertheless find his angel a powerfully evocative image.

Having said all that, I received an email from
Hernández-Salazar late last week calling my attention to his blog and specifically to this post he has made (Spanish/English) on his more recent installations and interventions at the memorials to those who perished at the Nazi extermination camps at Treblinka, Plaszów, and Auschwitz. I still have my qualms; but I also admire Hernández-Salazar and his work immeasurably. I hope you will visit his blog and see his new works.
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P.S.: You can find Daniel Hernández-Salazar. 2007.
So That All Shall Know/Para que todos lo sepan. University of Texas Press, here.

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29 August 2009

The Uses of Photography ~ Daniel Hernández-Salazar

Late last year I posted about the work of Guatemalan photographer Daniel Hernández-Salazar. At the time I noted his 1998 polyptych (above) entitled Esclarecimiento ("Clarification"). I think the images are striking and want to talk a bit about some of the various ways Hernández-Salazar has used them.

Esclarecimiento initially was a triptych No veo, no oigo, me callo ("I Don't See, I Don't Hear, I Remain Silent") to which Hernández-Salazar added a fourth panel Para que Todos lo sepan ("So That All Shall Know"). The "angel" Hernández-Salazar depicts is a young Mayan man whose "wings" consist in the superimposed image of a human scapula disinterred from a mass grave containing victims of the Guatemalan military. The symbolism of the images requires that we understand some background.*

Between 1960 and 1996 Guatemalans endured a protracted, notably vicious civil war. As part of the negotiated end to the fighting, the Catholic Church initiated a project for the recovery of Historical Memory - Proyecto Interdiocesano de Recuperación de la Memoria Historica (REMHI). On April 24, 1998 the REMHI project issued a massive written report entitled Guatemala Nunca Mas that estimated that 200,000 civilians, disproportionately from the indigenous Mayan Indian population, had been killed during the civil war. The report concludes that the overwhelming majority of these deaths came at the hands of the Guatemalan military.** The REMHI report consisted in four volumes. The cover of each volume carried one of the four images from Hernández-Salazar’s Esclarecimiento. The final volume, containing the names of over 50,000 victims of the civil war, features So That All Shall Know.

The REMHI had been headed by Bishop Juan José Gerardi. Two days after the project released its report, the Bishop was bludgeoned to death. Ultimately four individuals - three of them military officers - were convicted of the murder. But the immediate aftermath of Bishop Gerardi's murder consisted in mass protests in Guatemala City. At these protests many marchers carried posters, each featuring Hernández-Salazar’s Esclarecimiento, that the REMHI project had printed to publicize its report.

March of Silence, Guatemala City, (28 April 1998).

May Day March, Guatemala City (1998).

So here we have two uses of Hernández-Salazar’s Esclarecimiento. The first, he surely intended, the second he almost surely did not.

To mark the first anniversary of Bishop Gerardi's murder, Hernández-Salazar installed much enlarged versions of Para que Todos lo sepan at some 36 locations around Guatemala City. Some of these locations were simply prominent public spaces, many were directly associated with the military. And many of the "Street Angels" were removed promptly by parties unknown.

The top image depicts a "Street Angel" on Judio Street in
one of Guatemala City's oldest neighborhoods. The bottom
image depicts a "Street Angel" facing the Headquarters of
Military Intelligence, also in Guatemala City (April 1999).

These "Street Angels" were reconstructed from sets of sixty 8 x 10 panels which allowed those installing them to reproduce them on photocopiers and to hang them in such a way that the larger image appeared only incrementally. This was not merely a technological convenience or aesthetic strategy. The effort to appropriate and redefine public space in Guatemala City was, at the time, obviously fraught with risk.

In subsequent years Hernández-Salazar has incorporated large versions of Para que Todos lo sepan into a less localized project called Memoria de un ángel ("Memory of an Angel"). In this series of installations he took Para que Todos lo sepan abroad. The aim was to generalize the need to recognize and recall pain and suffering in diverse circumstances.

Phantom of War. Installation at former U.S. military base,
Fort Malbry - Austin, Texas (2003).

Installation at the Atomic Bomb Dome,
Hiroshima (April 2004).

While I understand the impulse to generalize here, it seems to me that Para que Todos lo sepan loses some of its force and especially its political force as Hernández-Salazar moves it farther and farther from its local context. Given the complicity of the U.S. in the sordid political history of Guatemala - and of Latin America more generally - the installation outside American military installations makes some sense. But moving to memorials for the victims of American use of atomic weapons risks rendering both Hernández-Salazar's image and the memorial site itself banal - each becomes a more or less routinized or ritualistic gesture. Indeed, the installation at Hiroshima immediately brought to mind a 1999 projection that Krzysztof Wodiczko did at the same site.

From: "The Hiroshima Projection" (1999) ~ Public projection
at the A-Bomb Dome, Hiroshima, Japan © Krzysztof Wodiczko

Hernández-Salazar's "Street Angel" draws its power largely from the streets it inhabits. The profound impact of the image (and its partners), it seems to me, relies upon a distinctively local resonance. That does not deprive them of power; it merely identifies the source of the work's vitality. The farther it is removed from that original context, the more it is compelled to assume the guise or the concern for humanity writ large, the less political it becomes. That is a cost that in this case - and in others - we should resist paying. In saying that I do not mean to diminish the importance of Para que Todos lo sepan. It is, I believe, a truly profound work. To the contrary, I hope to draw a general lesson from it.
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* My acquaintance with Hernández-Salazar, his work and the historical context in which he produced it derives from the volume I mentioned in my earlier post.
** These conclusions are generally corroborated by the report of a UN sponsored truth commission - Comisión para el Esclarecimiento Histórico (CEH).

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07 April 2009

Rwanda ~ 100 Days

The Eyes of Gutete Emerita © Alfredo Jaar

Rwanda, 1994 - Survivor of Hutu death camp © James Nachtwey.

Zaire, 1994. Goma, near the border of Rwanda © Gilles Peress

Anastase Ntabareshya, Remera Prison, 1998 © Robert Lyons.

"This week marks the 15th anniversary of the start of the 100 days when a million mainly Tutsi Rwandans were killed in a systematic strategy that turned neighbours into killers." That reminder from The Guardian today in this story about one survivor of that genocide. Here I've lifted some work by just a few of the photographers who have sought to convey the horrors of the crimes. They serve as witnesses, chroniclers.

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26 December 2008

Daniel Hernández-Salazar

Esclarecimiento (Polyptych, 1998) © Daniel Hernández-Salazar

Daniel Hernández-Salazar is a Guatemalan photographer whose work straddles the line between photojournalism and art in the sense that he labors in both genres. He has used his images to both document genocide and civil war in his own country and to speak out against violence there and abroad. The University of Texas Press published So that All Shall Know/Para que todos lo sepan an overview of Hernández-Salazar's work in 2007. You can find details here.

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12 November 2008

Political Etymology as Branding: "Genocide"

I typically find efforts to "brand" politics or politicians a dubious enterprise, an invitation to bullshit. Recently, however, I discovered an interesting passage from Samantha Powers, A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide (Harper Collins, 2002) that caused me to reconsider my blanket view. Powers opens her historical account by describing the efforts of a handful of individuals who, in the wake of Turkish slaughter of Armenians and the face of Nazi holocaust, began to agitate against the as yet unnamed crime of genocide. Among these, Raphael Lemkin, a Polish Jew trained as a linguist and lawyer, had been struck by a BBC broadcast in 1941 in which Churchill had observed of Nazi atrocities, "We are in the presence of a crime without a name." He took it upon himself to rectify that state of affairs, not just by speaking out against the crime, but by labeling it.
Lemkin read widely in linguistic and semantic theory modeling his own process on that of individuals responsible for coinages he admired. Of particular interest to Lemkin were the reflections of George Eastman, who said he had settled upon “Kodak” as the name for a new camera because: “First, It is short. Second. It is not capable of mispronunciation. Third. It does not resemble anything in the art and cannot be associated with anything in the art except the Kodak.”

Lemkin saw he needed a word that could not be used in other contexts (as ‘barbarity’ and ‘vandalism’ could). He self-consciously sought one that could bring with it “a color of freshness and novelty” while describing something “as shortly and poignantly as possible.”

But Lemkin’s coinage had to achieve something Eastman’s did not. Somehow it had to chill listeners and invite immediate condemnation. On an otherwise undecipherable page of one of his surviving notebooks Lemkin scribbled and circled ‘THE WORD’ and drew a line connecting the circle to the phrase, penned firmly, ‘MORAL JUDGMENT.’ His word would do it all. It would be the rare term that carried in it society’s revulsion and indignation. It would be what he called an “index of civilization.”


The word Lemkin settled upon was a hybrid that combined the Greek derivative
geno, meaning “race” or “tribe,” with the Latin derivative cide, from caedere, meaning “killing.” “Genocide” was short, it was novel, and it was not likely to be mispronounced. Because of the word’s lasting association with Hitler’s horrors, it would also send shudders down the spines of those who heard it.
So, perhaps George Eastman, indirectly and unintentionally, played a role in not just bringing photographic technology to the masses, but to the development of political language. Mere words, of course are insufficient, they need to be embedded in practices and institutions. But they are a start insofar as they afford us with the tools to identify and discuss, indeed even think about, aspects of the world - just as well as unjust, inspiring and hopeful as well as cruel, terrifying, oppressive. That, as Powers makes clear, was the nearly insurmountable task that faced Lemkin and the "virtual community" of others who had begun to speak out about genocide in the years before they could actually name it.

All this brought to mind work, some of which I've discussed before, by photographers like Alfredo Jaar, Robert Lyons, Susan Meiselas, and Simon Norfolk. In particular, the importance of Lemkin's neologism reminded me of this collection, the title to which Norfolk takes from the conclusion to Edward R. Murrow's report in 1944 from Buchenwald.

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P.S.: I do not know much about Eastman (despite the fact that I live in 'his' town). But this passage from Powers brought to mind a colloquy between Eastman, Walt Whitman and Paul Virilio that David Levi Strauss imagined. See his "A Ferocious Philosophy: The Image of Democracy and the Democracy of Images," in Between the eyes: Essays on Photography & Politics (Aperture, 2003).

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12 September 2008

Representing Genocide: Intimate Enemy

"Great numbers . . . cause particular difficulties for our imagination. As if we observe humanity in a way that is not permitted for humans, and allowed only to gods. ... In other words, they can think in categories of masses. A million people more, a million less - what difference does it make?" ~ Czeslaw Milosz

Among my abiding interests in thinking about photography and its uses are how it effects audiences, and especially how photographers might use their work to prompt political reflection on any of a range of large-scale catastrophes that, to a considerable if shifting extent, are humanly created ~ war, famine, poverty, environmental degradation, epidemic, genocide, displaced populations, and so forth. The difficulty is a species of the one Milosz articulates ~ how to use photography as an instrument to help us grasp - to imagine, to conceptualize - any such immense event and the innumerable human suffering it creates.

A recent book, an extremely innovative collaboration between political scientist Scott Straus and photographer Robert Lyons, offers a provocative approach to this problem. The book is Intimate Enemy: Images and Voices of the Rwandan Genocide (Zone Books/MIT Press, 2006). It consists of introductory comments, first by Straus, then more briefly by Lyons, followed by fifty-plus pages of transcribed interviews Straus conducted with men convicted of having participated in the genocide, and finally, a series of photographs by Lyons.

Straus states the aim of Intimate Enemy quite nicely: "[T]he book is an experiment in trying to see and present details of the genocide in ways that are not already interpreted and categorized and do not sensationalize and shock. In so doing, the book aims to help readers confront unimaginable violence in a manner that stimulates, rather than stifles, reflection." The stress here on experiment seems to me just right. And two features of the experiment strike me as especially innovative. The first is how Lyons focuses the photographs themselves; the second concerns the oblique interaction between text and images.

Often, when photographers depict the sorts of catastrophe I just mentioned they depict individuals or groups enduring suffering and hardship. This practice has at least two sorts of unfortunate effects. First, it regularly generates resentment in viewers, or at least in critics who write about their reactions. Second, it raises the expectation that viewers should have compassion for those who are suffering. While I will not argue the case here, it seems to me that (i) these responses are themselves intimately related insofar as viewers often resent demands on their compassion when the latter has no purchase (due to distance, time or the scale of events) and (ii) both resentment and compassion are deeply and unavoidably depoliticizing.

Lyons approaches the task of representing the Rwandan genocide from a different trajectory. Intimate Enemy contains seventy-seven of his images made between 1998 and 2001. Nearly all of these are portraits. While some of these are of survivors, the bulk are of suspected or convicted génocidaires, that is, of individuals (nearly all men) who at the time were alleged to have participated in the killing of Tutsis or who had actually been found guilty in court of so doing. Lyons presents his portraits without captions or accompanying information (these follow in a 'List of Plates'). In short, he places a burden on the viewer to set her preconceptions aside when first confronting the portraits.
"Through stark black-and-white portraiture, with limited depth of field and a background obscure in detail but present nonetheless, I wanted to make the audience enter a more intimate space, ask questions, experience directly the ambiguous physical resemblances between génocidaire and survivor."
This is not simply an ex post adjustment; it was a conscious aesthetic strategy. And the invitation Lyons extends hardly is a naive one. As he wrote in his field-notes: "This is the most documentary project I have ever attempted. I am allowing the images little poetic and emotional space; viewers will have little room for escape." He sought to prompt, perhaps even compel viewers to confront ambiguity and the ethical questions it raises. In the process, I think, he deflates the moralism that fuels the dynamic, too familiar among those who view the "pain of others," in which compassion, thwarted or misplaced, fuels resentment or despair.

Exactly two years ago I wrote this post on the predicament of trying to use photography to depict power as well as powerlessness. In that post I tried to connect observations made by several photographers - Larry Towell, Gordon Parks, Sebastião Salgado - as well as demands articulated by some critics. Lyons, it seems to me, is not just depicting power. His portraits of Rwandan génocidaires in fact call into question the sharp distinction between power and powerlessness. He thereby allows us to bracket enough of the horror and repulsion to ask, 'how did these otherwise unexceptional men and women undertake such exceptionally violent and hateful acts?". The point is not to excuse, but to understand.

Moralism is an invitation to demonize, all the better to condemn. It seems to me that the space of ambiguity that Lyons seeks to construct subverts moralism by rendering the judgment on which it trades much less certain. The narratives that Scott Straus juxtaposes to Robert Lyons' photographs abet that ambiguity. These narratives are transcribed first person accounts of the genocide by some of those those who perpetrated it. Not only are they anonymous (for reasons Straus explains), but they are not the words of the individuals portrayed in Lyons's photographs. Straus and Lyons worked in parallel rather than tandem in Rwanda. Like Lyons, Strauss too worked in prisons. The narratives he supplies here are excerpts of interviews he conducted in 2002 with convicted génocidaires.

The effect Straus and Lyons create in Intimate Enemy is to reverse the conventional relationship between text and photographs. Here the texts illustrate the photographs. In combination, the texts and the images they illustrate, ultimately call into question the grounds of our judgment. They challenge our propensity to dehumanize the perpetrators of violence - as "monsters" or "psychopaths" or as "evil" - and focus on their actions and what prompted them. Perhaps more importantly, the disjunction between text and images generates a creative tension which, in turn, allows us to keep in view both the individual perpetrator and the grisly collective action to which he contributed. By seeing that context we are less able to reduce the agent to his or her actions. This is important because only once we understand the latter can we hope to formulate a just, potentially constructive response political response to political crimes. Ironically, perhaps, Lyons and Straus represent the Rwandan genocide by humanizing it. In so doing they help us to ponder if not entirely grasp what initially seems unimaginable. That is an incredibly important step.

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Background: Some time ago I received an email from Jörg Colberg who, despite the fact that we've never actually met, I consider a friend and whose good sense I trust and good humor I respect. Jörg explained that he was trying to put me in touch with another friend of his, photographer Robert Lyons. At this point, Robert and I have had intermittent email contact, but still have not met. In the process of tracking down some of Robert's work, of course, I also inevitably encountered his collaborator Scott Straus. Although both Scott and I are political scientists we have not met either. Such are the virtues of the internet! In any case, that is the background to this post.

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